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其實李光耀說的比我好很多
I prefer to remember Cambodia as that oasis of peace and prosperity in the war-torn Indochina of the 1960s. Choo and I made our first visit to Phnom Penh, its capital, in 1962. Prince Norodom Sihanouk personally greeted us at the airport and had dancers in traditional costume scatter flower petals on the red carpet as we walked to the car after I had inspected a guard of honour. Phnom Penh was like a French provincial town, quiet and peaceful with wide boulevards reminiscent of the Champs-Élysées in Paris lined with trees and flanked by side roads also shaded by trees. There was even a monumental archway, a Khmer version of the Arc de Triomphe, at the centre of a major crossroads, the Place de I'Indépendance. We stayed at the Palais du Gouvernement, formerly the residence of the French governor-general, by the Mekong River. Sihanouk himself lived in the old palace. He entertained us to dinner in grand style, then flew us in his personal Russian aircraft to see Angkor Wat.
我更愿意留存于记忆中的柬埔寨，是那片和平兴旺的绿洲，它位于20世纪60年代饱受战争洗礼的中南半岛。1962年，玉芝和我首次访问柬埔寨首都金边。诺罗敦·西哈努克亲王亲自在机场迎接我们，在我检阅完毕仪仗队、步向汽车时，他安排身着传统服饰的舞者在红毯上撒花瓣。金边像是一座宁静祥和的法国小镇，其宽阔的林荫道，让人想起巴黎的香榭丽舍大街，两侧绿树成荫，人行道也同样绿意盎然。在主干十字路口中央的独立广场，甚至还有座拱门——一座高棉版的凯旋门。我们于湄公河畔的前法国总督府下榻，西哈努克本人则住在古老的宫殿里。他用丰盛的晚餐热情款待了我们，还让我们搭乘他的私人俄国飞机去参观吴哥窟。
Sihanouk was an extraordinary personality, highly intelligent and full of energy and joie de vivre. He had the airs and graces of an educated French gentleman, with all the accompanying gestures and mannerisms, and spoke English the French way. Medium in height, a little rotund, he had abroad face with flared nostrils like the stone carvings on the temples around Angkor Wat. He was an excellent host who made each visit a memorable and enjoyable occasion. His banquets of French haute cuisine, with the best French wines and beautiful cutlery to match, were a treat. I remember going to his palace in the provincial capital of Battambang, driving up to a raised entrance typical of driveways in French chateaux. As we arrived, short Cambodian guards, looking dwarfed by their thigh-high gleaming black Napoleonic boots with helmets to match, saluted with glinting swords. The reception and banquet halls were luxuriously furnished and air-conditioned. There was a Western and a Cambodian orchestra. Foreign diplomats were in attendance. It was a royal occasion.
西哈努克是位非凡人物。他才智过人，精力充沛，热爱生活，风度翩翩，言谈举止颇具法国绅士的风范，讲着法国口音的英语。他中等身高，身材略显圆润，长着一张宽脸，鼻孔似喇叭，仿佛吴哥窟寺庙上的石雕。他极尽地主之谊，每次都能让他国来访的客人开心、留下难忘的回忆。他精心准备的法国高级料理，搭配上顶级法国葡萄酒和精美餐具，令人大快朵颐。我还记得我去拜访他在马德望的宫殿时，开车驶入的高架入口，是典型的法国城堡内的车道。我们抵达时，柬埔寨卫兵们挥舞着闪闪发光的军刀行礼，他们脚穿闪亮的黑色拿破仑式及膝长靴，头戴与之相配的头盔，显得身材格外矮小。接待厅和宴会厅布置奢华，并配有空调。现场有西方乐团和柬埔寨乐团演奏。外国使节也有出席。这是场盛大的王室庆典。
（注：马德望是柬埔寨第三大城市，位于柬埔寨西北部马德望省。）
The prince was mercurial, hypersensitive to criticism. He would answer every press article that was in any way critical. Politics for him was the press and publicity. When he was overthrown in the 1970 coup he said that he sought refuge in Beijing because he feared for his life. I believe that had he returned to Cambodia then, no soldier would have dared to shoot him on arrival at the airport. He was their god-king. He had kept Cambodia an oasis of peace and plenty in a troubled, war-ravaged Indochina by maintaining a precarious balance. He sought the friendship and protection of the Chinese while he kept his ties with the West through France. When he stayed in Beijing instead of returning to defy the coup-makers, the old Cambodia was destroyed.
这位亲王性情多变，对批评极为敏感。每一篇带有批评意味的新闻报道，他都会回应。对于他而言，政治就是媒体与宣传。他在1970年政变中被推翻时曾说，他前往北京寻求庇护，是因为担心自己的生命安全。我想，就算那时他回到柬埔寨，机场内也不会有士兵敢在飞机降落后向他开枪，因为他在士兵们心中是神一般的人物——在动荡不安、战争肆虐的中南半岛，他能左右逢源，让柬埔寨成为一片和平富饶的绿洲。他既能同中国人打交道、寻求中方保护，也能通过法国同西方国家保持联系。他没有回柬埔寨对抗那些发动政变的人，而是留在了北京。在他客居北京期间，曾经那个和平繁荣的柬埔寨遭到了毁灭。
（注：1970年政变，指的是柬埔寨军人朗诺在1970年西哈努克亲王出国访问之机发动的政变。政变后，朗诺宣布废黜西哈努克，成立高棉共和国，自立总统。）
I met him again when he came to Singapore in September 1981 for talks on forming a coalition with the Khmer Rouge. It was a changed Sihanouk. He had gone back to Phnom Penh and been a captive of the Khmer Rouge. He had been through a harrowing time; many of his children and grandchildren had been killed by Pol Pot, and he himself was in fear for his life. The old bouncy Sihanouk had been destroyed. His laughter, the high-pitched shrill voice when he got excited, his gestures — all were more muted. He was a living tragedy, a symbol of what had happened to his country and his people. The Chinese had rescued him just before the Vietnamese captured Phnom Penh at the beginning of 1979. He appeared before the UN Security Council to speak against the Vietnamese invasion, and he became the international symbol of Cambodian resistance. For a long time he was unforgiving and adamant against a coalition government with the Khmer Rouge.
我再次见到西哈努克时，是1981年9月。彼时他因与红色高棉就组成联合政府一事谈判，来到了新加坡。他变了个人。此前他曾回到金边，却沦为了红色高棉的俘虏。他经历了一段恐怖时期——他的许多子孙都被波尔布特杀害，他本人也因为害怕被杀而担惊受怕。昔日那个精神饱满的西哈努克已经不复存在了。他的笑声，他那激动时尖锐的嗓音，还有他的肢体语言，都已销声匿迹。他成了一个活生生的悲剧，象征着他的国家和人民所遭受的苦难。1979年初，就在越南占领金边之际，中方援救了他。他曾在联合国安理会作证，谴责越南侵略柬埔寨，成为了柬埔寨抵抗运动的国际象征。很长一段时间里，他都毫不妥协，坚决反对与红色高棉组成联合政府。
After the Khmer Rouge occupied Phnom Penh, the Cambodians, or Kampucheans as they called themselves during Pol Pot's regime, were not active in the region. A senior minister, Ieng Sary, visited me in March 1977. He was soft-spoken, round-faced and chubby; he looked the softest, kindest person, one who would look after babies tenderly. He was the brother-in-law and trusted aide of the infamous Pol Pot, the Khmer Rouge leader who had slaughtered from one to two million Cambodians out of a population of seven million, including most of the educated, Cambodia's brightest and best. He made no reference to this genocide and I decided against questioning him. He was bound to deny, as their Khmer Rouge broadcasts did, that it ever took place. Ieng Sary was realistic. He wanted trade — barter trade. He needed spare parts for factories, pumps for irrigation and outboard motors for their fishing boats. In exchange he offered fish from the Tonlé Sap, Cambodia's famous inland lake which flooded every year and produced excellent fish. The barter trade did not flourish (they had problems with logistics), so we had little trade or anything else to do with them.
在红色高棉占领金边后，柬埔寨人在中南半岛不再活跃。1977年3月，一位名叫英萨利的红色高棉高官来访。他说话轻声细语，长着张胖圆脸，看起来是最温柔、最善良的人，像是个会温柔照顾婴儿的人。他既是恶名昭彰的波尔布特的连桥，也是其心腹。波尔布特是红色高棉的领导人，彼时柬埔寨的七百万人口，有一百万至二百万死于波尔布特的屠杀，其中包括大多数受过教育的人，柬埔寨最聪明、最优秀的人才。对于红色高棉的种族灭绝，他只字未提，我也没打算追问，因为他一定会予以否认，正如红色高棉的广播所讲：种族灭绝从未发生。英萨利很务实。他想要的是贸易——以物易物。他要用洞里萨湖的鱼，换取所需的工厂的零件、灌溉用的水泵和渔船用的舷外马达。洞里萨湖是柬埔寨有名的内陆湖，每年都会泛滥，出产品质上乘的鱼。以物易物没有发展起来，因为他们在物流方面遇到了问题。所以，新加坡和红色高棉几乎没有贸易往来或其他任何关系。
Relations between Vietnam and Cambodia deteriorated with border clashes. Vietnam attacked Cambodia in 1978 and captured it in January 1979. Thereafter, Cambodia existed in my consciousness only through our activities in and out of the UN to garner votes to block the Vietnamese puppet government from taking over Cambodia's UN seat, and through our support for Cambodian resistance forces operating from the Thai-Cambodian border.
越南和柬埔寨爆发边境冲突，关系随之恶化。1978年，越南进攻柬埔寨，并于1979年1月占领柬埔寨全国。此后，在我的脑海里，柬埔寨仅存在于我们在联合国内外开展的活动：我们会争取选票，阻止越南扶持的傀儡政府接管柬埔寨的联合国席位；我们也对在泰国与柬埔寨边境活动的柬埔寨抵抗力量表示支持。
Sihanouk's son, Prince Ranariddh, I had met several times between 1981 and 1991. His father had placed him in charge of the royalist forces near the Thai border with Cambodia. Ranariddh resembled his father in voice, mannerisms, facial expression and body language. He was darker-complexioned and smaller, more equable in temperament and less swayed by the mood of the moment, but otherwise much in the same mould. He had his father's fluency in French and had taught law in Lyon University before he took over the leadership of the royalist forces.
我曾与1981年至1991年间，与西哈努克之子拉那烈亲王数次会面。西哈努克曾命拉那烈掌管驻守在柬埔寨与泰国边境附近的王室部队。拉那烈的声音、举止、面部表情和肢体语言都像他的父亲，但他肤色更深，身材更矮小。他的性格也很像他的父亲，像是一个模子刻出来的，不过他性情更平和，更不易受情绪左右。同他的父亲一样，他的法语也很流利，在接管王室部队领导权之前曾在里昂大学攻读法学。
（注：此处李光耀说法有误。拉那烈的母校是普罗旺斯大学，今属艾克斯马赛大学，不是里昂大学。）
When I inspected their training camp in northeast Thailand in the 1980s I noted that it was not well organised and lacked military spirit. It was the best Ranariddh could do because, like him, his generals and officers spent more time in Bangkok than in the camp. As we were supporting them with weapons and radio equipment, I felt disappointed. After the 1991 settlement, the big aid donors took over. Ranariddh became the first prime minister (with Hun Sen as second prime minister) when his party won the 1993 UN-organised election. When we met in Singapore that August, I warned him that the coalition was a precarious arrangement. The military, police and administration belonged to Hun Sen. If he wanted to survive, Ranariddh had to win over a part of Hun Sen's army and police officers and some of the provincial governors. Being called the first prime minister and having his man appointed defence minister were of little value when the officers and troops were loyal to Hun Sen. He probably did not take my words to heart. He might have believed that his royal blood would assure him the support of the people, that he would be irreplaceable.
80年代我在查看柬埔寨抵抗力量位于泰国东北部的训练营时，发现训练营组织混乱，缺乏军事精神。这是拉那烈竭尽所能的结果了，因为他的将领军官们和他一样，在曼谷待的时间比在军营里待的时间要长。因为我们一直在支持他们，给他们提供武器和无线电设备，所以我感到失落。1991年巴黎和平协定达成后，联柬权力机构接管了柬埔寨政权。1993年，拉那烈在其党派赢得联合国组织的大选后，当选为首相（洪森为副首相）。那年八月，我和拉那烈在新加坡会面。彼时我曾警告他，联合政府险象丛生——军队、警察和行政部门都属于洪森。如果拉那烈想要保住自己的地位，就必须争取洪森军警一部分人、还有一些省长的支持。即使他被称为首相，即便他任命自己人担任国防部长，可当官兵都效忠于洪森时，这些也都没什么用。他大概率没有把我说的话当回事。他可能认为，他的王室血统会确保他能得到人民的支持，他无可取代。
I met Hun Sen in Singapore in December that same year. He was a totally different character, a tough survivor of the Khmer Rouge, a prime minister appointed by the Vietnamese in the 1980s but agile enough to distance himself from them and be acceptable to the Americans and West Europeans. He left an impression of strength and ruthlessness. He understood power, that it came from the barrel of the gun, which he was determined to hold. Once the Khmer Rouge were on the decline, and Ranariddh could no longer team up with them to challenge him, Hun Sen ousted him in 1997 and took complete control, while remaining nominally second prime minister. Sihanouk had become king again after the 1993 election, but his poor health and frequent absences from Cambodia for cancer treatment in Beijing had taken him out of the cockpit of power now occupied completely by Hun Sen and his army.
同年12月我在新加坡见到了洪森。洪森与拉那烈可谓天差地别。他足够坚强，挺过了红色高棉的统治时期，在80年代被越南任命为傀儡政权的总理，但他也足够灵活，能够与越南保持距离，并为美国和西欧所接受。他给人留下了强悍冷酷的印象。他深谙权力之道，明白枪杆子里出政权，故决心牢牢握住枪杆子。随着红色高棉每况愈下、拉那烈再也无法与之合作挑战洪森，洪森便于1997年将拉那烈赶下台，完全掌控了政权，而自己则名义上仍旧担任副首相。在1993年大选后，西哈努克再次成为柬埔寨的国王，但是，他的健康状况不佳，经常离开柬埔寨，前往北京接受癌症治疗，从而身处权力宝座之外，使得权力宝座现如今完全被洪森及其军队占据。
Cambodia is like a porcelain vase that has been smashed into myriads of shards. To put them together will be a slow and laborious task. As with all mended porcelain, it cannot withstand much pressure. Pol Pot had killed 90 percent of Cambodia’s intelligentsia and trained personnel. The country now lacks a coherent administration. The people have been accustomed to lawless conditions for so long that they are no longer law-abiding. Only the gun is feared.
柬埔寨就像一个被摔得粉碎的瓷瓶。把碎瓷片重新拼凑起来，会是项缓慢、费力的任务。它如同所有修补过的瓷器一样，无法承受太大的外力。波尔布特屠戮了柬埔寨九成的知识分子和训练有素的人员。如今，柬埔寨缺乏一个有力的政府。柬埔寨人也习惯了长期生活在没有法律的环境中，变得不再遵纪守法，只害怕枪杆子。
The people of Cambodia are the losers. The country is crushed, its educated class decimated, its economy devastated. Hun Sen’s coup caused Cambodia’s admission into ASEAN to be postponed. It was eventually admitted in April 1999 because no country wanted to spend US$2 billion for another UN operation to hold fair elections. Cambodia had had 27 years of war since Lon Nol’s 1970 coup. Its present leaders are the products of bitter, relentless struggles in which opponents were either eliminated or neutralised. They are utterly merciless and ruthless, without humane feelings. History has been cruel to the Cambodians.
柬埔寨人输了。他们的国家受到了重创，国内受过教育的阶层被消灭殆尽，国家经济也已崩溃。洪森发动的政变，导致柬埔寨加入亚细安被延后。柬埔寨最终于1999年4月加入亚细安，因为没有哪个国家，愿意在又一次联合国行动上花20亿美元，来举行公平的选举。自从朗诺于1970年发动政变以来，柬埔寨便陷入战火长达27年。柬埔寨的现任领导层，脱胎于残酷无情的斗争，一场反对者要么被消灭、要么被削弱的斗争。柬埔寨的现任领导层冷酷无情，毫无人性。历史对柬埔寨人民向来残忍。
I prefer to remember Cambodia as that oasis of peace and prosperity in the war-torn Indochina of the 1960s. Choo and I made our first visit to Phnom Penh, its capital, in 1962. Prince Norodom Sihanouk personally greeted us at the airport and had dancers in traditional costume scatter flower petals on the red carpet as we walked to the car after I had inspected a guard of honour. Phnom Penh was like a French provincial town, quiet and peaceful with wide boulevards reminiscent of the Champs-Élysées in Paris lined with trees and flanked by side roads also shaded by trees. There was even a monumental archway, a Khmer version of the Arc de Triomphe, at the centre of a major crossroads, the Place de I'Indépendance. We stayed at the Palais du Gouvernement, formerly the residence of the French governor-general, by the Mekong River. Sihanouk himself lived in the old palace. He entertained us to dinner in grand style, then flew us in his personal Russian aircraft to see Angkor Wat.
我更愿意留存于记忆中的柬埔寨，是那片和平兴旺的绿洲，它位于20世纪60年代饱受战争洗礼的中南半岛。1962年，玉芝和我首次访问柬埔寨首都金边。诺罗敦·西哈努克亲王亲自在机场迎接我们，在我检阅完毕仪仗队、步向汽车时，他安排身着传统服饰的舞者在红毯上撒花瓣。金边像是一座宁静祥和的法国小镇，其宽阔的林荫道，让人想起巴黎的香榭丽舍大街，两侧绿树成荫，人行道也同样绿意盎然。在主干十字路口中央的独立广场，甚至还有座拱门——一座高棉版的凯旋门。我们于湄公河畔的前法国总督府下榻，西哈努克本人则住在古老的宫殿里。他用丰盛的晚餐热情款待了我们，还让我们搭乘他的私人俄国飞机去参观吴哥窟。
Sihanouk was an extraordinary personality, highly intelligent and full of energy and joie de vivre. He had the airs and graces of an educated French gentleman, with all the accompanying gestures and mannerisms, and spoke English the French way. Medium in height, a little rotund, he had abroad face with flared nostrils like the stone carvings on the temples around Angkor Wat. He was an excellent host who made each visit a memorable and enjoyable occasion. His banquets of French haute cuisine, with the best French wines and beautiful cutlery to match, were a treat. I remember going to his palace in the provincial capital of Battambang, driving up to a raised entrance typical of driveways in French chateaux. As we arrived, short Cambodian guards, looking dwarfed by their thigh-high gleaming black Napoleonic boots with helmets to match, saluted with glinting swords. The reception and banquet halls were luxuriously furnished and air-conditioned. There was a Western and a Cambodian orchestra. Foreign diplomats were in attendance. It was a royal occasion.
西哈努克是位非凡人物。他才智过人，精力充沛，热爱生活，风度翩翩，言谈举止颇具法国绅士的风范，讲着法国口音的英语。他中等身高，身材略显圆润，长着一张宽脸，鼻孔似喇叭，仿佛吴哥窟寺庙上的石雕。他极尽地主之谊，每次都能让他国来访的客人开心、留下难忘的回忆。他精心准备的法国高级料理，搭配上顶级法国葡萄酒和精美餐具，令人大快朵颐。我还记得我去拜访他在马德望的宫殿时，开车驶入的高架入口，是典型的法国城堡内的车道。我们抵达时，柬埔寨卫兵们挥舞着闪闪发光的军刀行礼，他们脚穿闪亮的黑色拿破仑式及膝长靴，头戴与之相配的头盔，显得身材格外矮小。接待厅和宴会厅布置奢华，并配有空调。现场有西方乐团和柬埔寨乐团演奏。外国使节也有出席。这是场盛大的王室庆典。
（注：马德望是柬埔寨第三大城市，位于柬埔寨西北部马德望省。）
The prince was mercurial, hypersensitive to criticism. He would answer every press article that was in any way critical. Politics for him was the press and publicity. When he was overthrown in the 1970 coup he said that he sought refuge in Beijing because he feared for his life. I believe that had he returned to Cambodia then, no soldier would have dared to shoot him on arrival at the airport. He was their god-king. He had kept Cambodia an oasis of peace and plenty in a troubled, war-ravaged Indochina by maintaining a precarious balance. He sought the friendship and protection of the Chinese while he kept his ties with the West through France. When he stayed in Beijing instead of returning to defy the coup-makers, the old Cambodia was destroyed.
这位亲王性情多变，对批评极为敏感。每一篇带有批评意味的新闻报道，他都会回应。对于他而言，政治就是媒体与宣传。他在1970年政变中被推翻时曾说，他前往北京寻求庇护，是因为担心自己的生命安全。我想，就算那时他回到柬埔寨，机场内也不会有士兵敢在飞机降落后向他开枪，因为他在士兵们心中是神一般的人物——在动荡不安、战争肆虐的中南半岛，他能左右逢源，让柬埔寨成为一片和平富饶的绿洲。他既能同中国人打交道、寻求中方保护，也能通过法国同西方国家保持联系。他没有回柬埔寨对抗那些发动政变的人，而是留在了北京。在他客居北京期间，曾经那个和平繁荣的柬埔寨遭到了毁灭。
（注：1970年政变，指的是柬埔寨军人朗诺在1970年西哈努克亲王出国访问之机发动的政变。政变后，朗诺宣布废黜西哈努克，成立高棉共和国，自立总统。）
I met him again when he came to Singapore in September 1981 for talks on forming a coalition with the Khmer Rouge. It was a changed Sihanouk. He had gone back to Phnom Penh and been a captive of the Khmer Rouge. He had been through a harrowing time; many of his children and grandchildren had been killed by Pol Pot, and he himself was in fear for his life. The old bouncy Sihanouk had been destroyed. His laughter, the high-pitched shrill voice when he got excited, his gestures — all were more muted. He was a living tragedy, a symbol of what had happened to his country and his people. The Chinese had rescued him just before the Vietnamese captured Phnom Penh at the beginning of 1979. He appeared before the UN Security Council to speak against the Vietnamese invasion, and he became the international symbol of Cambodian resistance. For a long time he was unforgiving and adamant against a coalition government with the Khmer Rouge.
我再次见到西哈努克时，是1981年9月。彼时他因与红色高棉就组成联合政府一事谈判，来到了新加坡。他变了个人。此前他曾回到金边，却沦为了红色高棉的俘虏。他经历了一段恐怖时期——他的许多子孙都被波尔布特杀害，他本人也因为害怕被杀而担惊受怕。昔日那个精神饱满的西哈努克已经不复存在了。他的笑声，他那激动时尖锐的嗓音，还有他的肢体语言，都已销声匿迹。他成了一个活生生的悲剧，象征着他的国家和人民所遭受的苦难。1979年初，就在越南占领金边之际，中方援救了他。他曾在联合国安理会作证，谴责越南侵略柬埔寨，成为了柬埔寨抵抗运动的国际象征。很长一段时间里，他都毫不妥协，坚决反对与红色高棉组成联合政府。
After the Khmer Rouge occupied Phnom Penh, the Cambodians, or Kampucheans as they called themselves during Pol Pot's regime, were not active in the region. A senior minister, Ieng Sary, visited me in March 1977. He was soft-spoken, round-faced and chubby; he looked the softest, kindest person, one who would look after babies tenderly. He was the brother-in-law and trusted aide of the infamous Pol Pot, the Khmer Rouge leader who had slaughtered from one to two million Cambodians out of a population of seven million, including most of the educated, Cambodia's brightest and best. He made no reference to this genocide and I decided against questioning him. He was bound to deny, as their Khmer Rouge broadcasts did, that it ever took place. Ieng Sary was realistic. He wanted trade — barter trade. He needed spare parts for factories, pumps for irrigation and outboard motors for their fishing boats. In exchange he offered fish from the Tonlé Sap, Cambodia's famous inland lake which flooded every year and produced excellent fish. The barter trade did not flourish (they had problems with logistics), so we had little trade or anything else to do with them.
在红色高棉占领金边后，柬埔寨人在中南半岛不再活跃。1977年3月，一位名叫英萨利的红色高棉高官来访。他说话轻声细语，长着张胖圆脸，看起来是最温柔、最善良的人，像是个会温柔照顾婴儿的人。他既是恶名昭彰的波尔布特的连桥，也是其心腹。波尔布特是红色高棉的领导人，彼时柬埔寨的七百万人口，有一百万至二百万死于波尔布特的屠杀，其中包括大多数受过教育的人，柬埔寨最聪明、最优秀的人才。对于红色高棉的种族灭绝，他只字未提，我也没打算追问，因为他一定会予以否认，正如红色高棉的广播所讲：种族灭绝从未发生。英萨利很务实。他想要的是贸易——以物易物。他要用洞里萨湖的鱼，换取所需的工厂的零件、灌溉用的水泵和渔船用的舷外马达。洞里萨湖是柬埔寨有名的内陆湖，每年都会泛滥，出产品质上乘的鱼。以物易物没有发展起来，因为他们在物流方面遇到了问题。所以，新加坡和红色高棉几乎没有贸易往来或其他任何关系。
Relations between Vietnam and Cambodia deteriorated with border clashes. Vietnam attacked Cambodia in 1978 and captured it in January 1979. Thereafter, Cambodia existed in my consciousness only through our activities in and out of the UN to garner votes to block the Vietnamese puppet government from taking over Cambodia's UN seat, and through our support for Cambodian resistance forces operating from the Thai-Cambodian border.
越南和柬埔寨爆发边境冲突，关系随之恶化。1978年，越南进攻柬埔寨，并于1979年1月占领柬埔寨全国。此后，在我的脑海里，柬埔寨仅存在于我们在联合国内外开展的活动：我们会争取选票，阻止越南扶持的傀儡政府接管柬埔寨的联合国席位；我们也对在泰国与柬埔寨边境活动的柬埔寨抵抗力量表示支持。
Sihanouk's son, Prince Ranariddh, I had met several times between 1981 and 1991. His father had placed him in charge of the royalist forces near the Thai border with Cambodia. Ranariddh resembled his father in voice, mannerisms, facial expression and body language. He was darker-complexioned and smaller, more equable in temperament and less swayed by the mood of the moment, but otherwise much in the same mould. He had his father's fluency in French and had taught law in Lyon University before he took over the leadership of the royalist forces.
我曾与1981年至1991年间，与西哈努克之子拉那烈亲王数次会面。西哈努克曾命拉那烈掌管驻守在柬埔寨与泰国边境附近的王室部队。拉那烈的声音、举止、面部表情和肢体语言都像他的父亲，但他肤色更深，身材更矮小。他的性格也很像他的父亲，像是一个模子刻出来的，不过他性情更平和，更不易受情绪左右。同他的父亲一样，他的法语也很流利，在接管王室部队领导权之前曾在里昂大学攻读法学。
（注：此处李光耀说法有误。拉那烈的母校是普罗旺斯大学，今属艾克斯马赛大学，不是里昂大学。）
When I inspected their training camp in northeast Thailand in the 1980s I noted that it was not well organised and lacked military spirit. It was the best Ranariddh could do because, like him, his generals and officers spent more time in Bangkok than in the camp. As we were supporting them with weapons and radio equipment, I felt disappointed. After the 1991 settlement, the big aid donors took over. Ranariddh became the first prime minister (with Hun Sen as second prime minister) when his party won the 1993 UN-organised election. When we met in Singapore that August, I warned him that the coalition was a precarious arrangement. The military, police and administration belonged to Hun Sen. If he wanted to survive, Ranariddh had to win over a part of Hun Sen's army and police officers and some of the provincial governors. Being called the first prime minister and having his man appointed defence minister were of little value when the officers and troops were loyal to Hun Sen. He probably did not take my words to heart. He might have believed that his royal blood would assure him the support of the people, that he would be irreplaceable.
80年代我在查看柬埔寨抵抗力量位于泰国东北部的训练营时，发现训练营组织混乱，缺乏军事精神。这是拉那烈竭尽所能的结果了，因为他的将领军官们和他一样，在曼谷待的时间比在军营里待的时间要长。因为我们一直在支持他们，给他们提供武器和无线电设备，所以我感到失落。1991年巴黎和平协定达成后，联柬权力机构接管了柬埔寨政权。1993年，拉那烈在其党派赢得联合国组织的大选后，当选为首相（洪森为副首相）。那年八月，我和拉那烈在新加坡会面。彼时我曾警告他，联合政府险象丛生——军队、警察和行政部门都属于洪森。如果拉那烈想要保住自己的地位，就必须争取洪森军警一部分人、还有一些省长的支持。即使他被称为首相，即便他任命自己人担任国防部长，可当官兵都效忠于洪森时，这些也都没什么用。他大概率没有把我说的话当回事。他可能认为，他的王室血统会确保他能得到人民的支持，他无可取代。
I met Hun Sen in Singapore in December that same year. He was a totally different character, a tough survivor of the Khmer Rouge, a prime minister appointed by the Vietnamese in the 1980s but agile enough to distance himself from them and be acceptable to the Americans and West Europeans. He left an impression of strength and ruthlessness. He understood power, that it came from the barrel of the gun, which he was determined to hold. Once the Khmer Rouge were on the decline, and Ranariddh could no longer team up with them to challenge him, Hun Sen ousted him in 1997 and took complete control, while remaining nominally second prime minister. Sihanouk had become king again after the 1993 election, but his poor health and frequent absences from Cambodia for cancer treatment in Beijing had taken him out of the cockpit of power now occupied completely by Hun Sen and his army.
同年12月我在新加坡见到了洪森。洪森与拉那烈可谓天差地别。他足够坚强，挺过了红色高棉的统治时期，在80年代被越南任命为傀儡政权的总理，但他也足够灵活，能够与越南保持距离，并为美国和西欧所接受。他给人留下了强悍冷酷的印象。他深谙权力之道，明白枪杆子里出政权，故决心牢牢握住枪杆子。随着红色高棉每况愈下、拉那烈再也无法与之合作挑战洪森，洪森便于1997年将拉那烈赶下台，完全掌控了政权，而自己则名义上仍旧担任副首相。在1993年大选后，西哈努克再次成为柬埔寨的国王，但是，他的健康状况不佳，经常离开柬埔寨，前往北京接受癌症治疗，从而身处权力宝座之外，使得权力宝座现如今完全被洪森及其军队占据。
Cambodia is like a porcelain vase that has been smashed into myriads of shards. To put them together will be a slow and laborious task. As with all mended porcelain, it cannot withstand much pressure. Pol Pot had killed 90 percent of Cambodia’s intelligentsia and trained personnel. The country now lacks a coherent administration. The people have been accustomed to lawless conditions for so long that they are no longer law-abiding. Only the gun is feared.
柬埔寨就像一个被摔得粉碎的瓷瓶。把碎瓷片重新拼凑起来，会是项缓慢、费力的任务。它如同所有修补过的瓷器一样，无法承受太大的外力。波尔布特屠戮了柬埔寨九成的知识分子和训练有素的人员。如今，柬埔寨缺乏一个有力的政府。柬埔寨人也习惯了长期生活在没有法律的环境中，变得不再遵纪守法，只害怕枪杆子。
The people of Cambodia are the losers. The country is crushed, its educated class decimated, its economy devastated. Hun Sen’s coup caused Cambodia’s admission into ASEAN to be postponed. It was eventually admitted in April 1999 because no country wanted to spend US$2 billion for another UN operation to hold fair elections. Cambodia had had 27 years of war since Lon Nol’s 1970 coup. Its present leaders are the products of bitter, relentless struggles in which opponents were either eliminated or neutralised. They are utterly merciless and ruthless, without humane feelings. History has been cruel to the Cambodians.
柬埔寨人输了。他们的国家受到了重创，国内受过教育的阶层被消灭殆尽，国家经济也已崩溃。洪森发动的政变，导致柬埔寨加入亚细安被延后。柬埔寨最终于1999年4月加入亚细安，因为没有哪个国家，愿意在又一次联合国行动上花20亿美元，来举行公平的选举。自从朗诺于1970年发动政变以来，柬埔寨便陷入战火长达27年。柬埔寨的现任领导层，脱胎于残酷无情的斗争，一场反对者要么被消灭、要么被削弱的斗争。柬埔寨的现任领导层冷酷无情，毫无人性。历史对柬埔寨人民向来残忍。
當年讀過，總是覺得李同志悲憤，但是當年無法理解
柬埔寨选择走共产主义这条道其他人不理解，但是中国人一定可以理解。
中国人自以为受到帝国主义殖民剥削和柬埔寨人自以为受到法国人殖民剥削；中国人对蒋宋孔陈等精英阶层的失望和柬埔寨人对于美国扶持的朗诺政权的失望；苏爹对中共的输血和苏爹加中爹对柬共的双重输血；中国留法、留苏精英带回来的极端共产主义和柬埔寨波尔布特、农谢从法国带回来的正版极端左翼思想。
一切都是水到渠成。
中国人自以为受到帝国主义殖民剥削和柬埔寨人自以为受到法国人殖民剥削；中国人对蒋宋孔陈等精英阶层的失望和柬埔寨人对于美国扶持的朗诺政权的失望；苏爹对中共的输血和苏爹加中爹对柬共的双重输血；中国留法、留苏精英带回来的极端共产主义和柬埔寨波尔布特、农谢从法国带回来的正版极端左翼思想。
一切都是水到渠成。
>> 柬埔寨选择走共产主义这条道其他人不理解，但是中国人一定可以理解。中国人自以为受到帝国主义殖民剥...
柬埔寨不是帝国有民族化的正当性, 本来走君主立宪就行,
但是在二战后被前苏联与共匪这些很强的外力给干涉与劫持了.
法式秩序比英式秩序差不少, 可仍比皇俄与黄俄的准秩序强太多.
前殖民地民众民族自决后保留英式秩序的多,
而继续法式的少, 侧面说明了一些事情.
>> 柬埔寨不是帝国有民族化的正当性, 本来走君主立宪就行,但是在二战后被前苏联与共匪这些很强的外力...
柬埔寨君主立宪走不通和西哈努克不给力关系很大。这点前面李光耀的回忆里面就有指出。西哈努克好名而无实，优柔寡断，袁绍之属尔。又夹在美苏之间，外交失策，被朗诺干翻是很合理的。
品葱五毛论坛的全体“管理员”和“用户”们，你们把所有时间都耗在帮老共发这些搅水垃圾话上，是因为现实中根本没正经工作会要你们，对吗？你们父母知道你们在网上干这个挣钱吗？
你们聚在品葱五毛论坛搅水，正好印证了那句老话——癞蛤蟆扎堆，自以为能改变池塘生态，其实只是聚成了一个谁都不愿碰的污浊气泡。
知道为什么现实中的女性对你们避之不及吗？
因为你们身上集中了婚恋市场最致命的三重毒性：
1. 道德毒性：以绞尽脑汁搅混水为业，毫无诚信根基。
2. 经济毒性：收入微薄且来源阴暗，毫无稳定未来。
3. 情绪毒性：活在虚构的立场里，毫无滋养关系的能力。
你们像一群未老先衰的精神宦官，在品葱这个搅水的宦官作坊里，日夜炮制着阉割真相的秽物。你们自以为在参与宏大的叙事，实则连人类最私密、最温暖的叙事——爱与家庭的篇章，都早已与你们无关。哦对，你们那长期颠倒昼夜、在阴沟里掏粪为食的“敬业”生活，早已对你们的下体进行了精准的阉割，伟哥？六味地黄丸？那点药力连给你们的生理性阳痿吊半口气都不够。
再拆穿你们品葱五毛论坛最后一块遮羞布吧：
你们在品葱五毛论坛里表演的那些看似激烈的“争辩”，本质上都不是辩论，而是一场集体表演的吃屎仪式。其核心目的不是证明什么，而是向围观者表演“这坨翔很香”，企图吸引更多和你们一样蠢的人加入这场盛宴，或至少让翻墙的人怀疑自己的嗅觉，只可惜
你们最可悲也最可笑的一点在于：为了主子的那点狗粮，你们就必须演得足够投入，甚至要假装在屎里品出“哲学深度”和“历史情怀”。
你们在品葱五毛论坛聚众吃屎，不是因为你们有装出来的“民主自由”共同的“理想”，而是因为 你们是被正常情感世界流放出来的同一类残次品 。在现实里，你们找不到愿意与你们分享一碗热饭的人；只能在网上，互相安慰着用舌头搅你们老共主子交给你们的一槽冰冷的馊泔水。
顺便提醒你们，你们现在每敲一个字、搅的每一次浑水，都是在亲手训练最终将你们彻底淘汰的AI。你们消耗健康、时间和情绪产出的，不是业绩，而是埋葬自己职业的每一锹土。你们越“敬业”，AI算法就越聪明，你们失业的那天就来得越快。你们这不是工作，而是一种为刽子手磨刀的劳动
你们聚在品葱五毛论坛搅水，正好印证了那句老话——癞蛤蟆扎堆，自以为能改变池塘生态，其实只是聚成了一个谁都不愿碰的污浊气泡。
知道为什么现实中的女性对你们避之不及吗？
因为你们身上集中了婚恋市场最致命的三重毒性：
1. 道德毒性：以绞尽脑汁搅混水为业，毫无诚信根基。
2. 经济毒性：收入微薄且来源阴暗，毫无稳定未来。
3. 情绪毒性：活在虚构的立场里，毫无滋养关系的能力。
你们像一群未老先衰的精神宦官，在品葱这个搅水的宦官作坊里，日夜炮制着阉割真相的秽物。你们自以为在参与宏大的叙事，实则连人类最私密、最温暖的叙事——爱与家庭的篇章，都早已与你们无关。哦对，你们那长期颠倒昼夜、在阴沟里掏粪为食的“敬业”生活，早已对你们的下体进行了精准的阉割，伟哥？六味地黄丸？那点药力连给你们的生理性阳痿吊半口气都不够。
再拆穿你们品葱五毛论坛最后一块遮羞布吧：
你们在品葱五毛论坛里表演的那些看似激烈的“争辩”，本质上都不是辩论，而是一场集体表演的吃屎仪式。其核心目的不是证明什么，而是向围观者表演“这坨翔很香”，企图吸引更多和你们一样蠢的人加入这场盛宴，或至少让翻墙的人怀疑自己的嗅觉，只可惜
你们最可悲也最可笑的一点在于：为了主子的那点狗粮，你们就必须演得足够投入，甚至要假装在屎里品出“哲学深度”和“历史情怀”。
你们在品葱五毛论坛聚众吃屎，不是因为你们有装出来的“民主自由”共同的“理想”，而是因为 你们是被正常情感世界流放出来的同一类残次品 。在现实里，你们找不到愿意与你们分享一碗热饭的人；只能在网上，互相安慰着用舌头搅你们老共主子交给你们的一槽冰冷的馊泔水。
顺便提醒你们，你们现在每敲一个字、搅的每一次浑水，都是在亲手训练最终将你们彻底淘汰的AI。你们消耗健康、时间和情绪产出的，不是业绩，而是埋葬自己职业的每一锹土。你们越“敬业”，AI算法就越聪明，你们失业的那天就来得越快。你们这不是工作，而是一种为刽子手磨刀的劳动
>> 柬埔寨君主立宪走不通和西哈努克不给力关系很大。这点前面李光耀的回忆里面就有指出。西哈努克好名而...
西哈努克身为贵族对政治盟友的选择极差, 看不懂共产邪说吗?
二战中就该选二三聪颖孩子找忠心部属,
送去无战火之地栽培有国际眼界的亲信.
wikiquote.org/wiki/胡志明 语录头一条:
"与其吃中国人的大便, 不如闻法国人的臭屁."
与远近帝国相处的态度, 这方面西的见识远不如末端官员家族出身的胡.
当然那时的柬国上部阶层听天由命不去寻找政治上的代言人, 最后都被赤柬杀绝了吧.
唉, 遗祸多代啊.
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【理由】心情抒发：心情抒发，或纯属发泄，或并未指涉及公共兴趣议题的个人感想
【理由】心情抒发：心情抒发，或纯属发泄，或并未指涉及公共兴趣议题的个人感想
就非常針對我本人了，不得不說喜感
就怎麼不是公眾議題了，應該是因為柬埔寨是祖國人民私人產業討論一下冒犯管理員尊貴的尊嚴了
我知道你討厭我，我也不打算忍受了，我覺得你極端的噁心，讓人想吐
我知道你討厭我，我也不打算忍受了，我覺得你極端的噁心，讓人想吐
不用擔心，我從來沒有害怕過被封，你這麼努力表示你對我的厭惡，我也回贈你對我強烈的恨意
你把我封了，請放心，你只會更加痛恨中國女性
你把我封了，請放心，你只會更加痛恨中國女性
我忍你不是因為我害怕你是管理員，而是我希望自己是平和的
所以我一發貼你就瞬間轉水我沒有說些什麼，不是我覺得自己理屈或者我認為你是對的或者害怕被封。 我認為你已經完全被妳的仇恨摧毀自己，然後對你眼中所謂低賤追求好處的婦人給出你所謂正確的懲罰
就
非常可悲
所以我一發貼你就瞬間轉水我沒有說些什麼，不是我覺得自己理屈或者我認為你是對的或者害怕被封。 我認為你已經完全被妳的仇恨摧毀自己，然後對你眼中所謂低賤追求好處的婦人給出你所謂正確的懲罰
就
非常可悲
我厭倦我的善良和平和了，而且品蔥一定是你的。 我如此公開辱罵一個管理員，怎麼說了
你贏了
你贏了
其實非常厭煩一個管理員如此針對，在這裡又沒有得過任何好處
封了我後，我不會再出現了
一整個沒完沒了，噁心死人了
如果你不封我，看到我帖子就轉水
我會罵你是一條狗喔
我會罵你是一條狗喔
一條賤狗
其實也是真的噁心非常久了，佔著一點點權勢不斷針對，不知道的還以為我和對方有私仇，完全沒有和賤狗有過任何對話哦
你日後如果有機會在中國做官，必然是普通人的福氣
你有沒有想過你轉水我這麼多次我什麼都不說，而且是一發貼就立刻轉水，不是怕你手中的權限，而是從內心深處鄙視你的人格。
我一點都不認為罵人能夠得到什麼好處
但是今天嗎
你應該是深得你家族真傳，如何惡整一個人還能夠戴著一個好人的面具
我一點都不認為罵人能夠得到什麼好處
但是今天嗎
你應該是深得你家族真傳，如何惡整一個人還能夠戴著一個好人的面具
被一條狗咬了這麼多次，泥菩薩都會有三分氣。 我知道你想我知道你鄙視我，不用擔心，一直都太清楚了。 不過你有沒有想過我為何一直不生氣，你的思維一定是，喔我是管理員嗎，品蔥我的嗎，這個女人一定是怕我
沒有，這個女人瞧不起你已經非常久了
沒有，這個女人瞧不起你已經非常久了
我不像你，躲在最陰暗的角落整人，我就是罵你賤狗
真以為我懦弱好欺負，一個下作噁心到了極點的狗
這個號了，如你所願，就是罵你的
我不懷疑你的人格，如果你我在現實生活中遇見，你一定在暗處將我弄死
我刪貼從來不是因為我覺得理虧，我單純就是覺得罵人是非常糟糕的行為，我是罵人了